The problem with America is that our democratic system is too weak. The only way to fix the country is to strengthen it.
Democrats are a diverse tent, and Republicans are not. Democrats are liberal whites, Christian blacks, Muslims, Jews, young Atheists. Republicans are overwhelmingly old, white, and Christian. Democrats listen to a variety of news sources, Republicans only listen to one. It's easy to activate a homogeneous group of voters, and it's vastly more difficult to appeal to a diverse set of interests. Republicans represent fewer people, but more landmass, in a system that apportions political power to segments of land rather than to people.
Ezra Klein (my favorite Ezra) writes about how our flawed democratic system has led to the political sorting behind our current climate of polarization. I'm quoting a large chunk below because it's important and also behind a paywall. Of the democratic candidates, only Buttigieg and Warren have really talked about this, and only Pete has committed to making Democratic reform a top priority for his administration.
NYT: Why Democrats Still Have to Appeal to the Center, but Republicans Don’t
Democrats are a diverse tent, and Republicans are not. Democrats are liberal whites, Christian blacks, Muslims, Jews, young Atheists. Republicans are overwhelmingly old, white, and Christian. Democrats listen to a variety of news sources, Republicans only listen to one. It's easy to activate a homogeneous group of voters, and it's vastly more difficult to appeal to a diverse set of interests. Republicans represent fewer people, but more landmass, in a system that apportions political power to segments of land rather than to people.
Ezra Klein (my favorite Ezra) writes about how our flawed democratic system has led to the political sorting behind our current climate of polarization. I'm quoting a large chunk below because it's important and also behind a paywall. Of the democratic candidates, only Buttigieg and Warren have really talked about this, and only Pete has committed to making Democratic reform a top priority for his administration.
NYT: Why Democrats Still Have to Appeal to the Center, but Republicans Don’t
To win power, Democrats don’t just need to appeal to the voter in the middle. They need to appeal to voters to the right of the middle. When Democrats compete for the Senate, they are forced to appeal to an electorate that is far more conservative than the country as a whole. Similarly, gerrymandering and geography means that Democrats need to win a substantial majority in the House popular vote to take the gavel. And a recent study by Michael Geruso, Dean Spears and Ishaana Talesara calculates that the Republican Party’s Electoral College advantage means “Republicans should be expected to win 65 percent of presidential contests in which they narrowly lose the popular vote.”
The Republican Party, by contrast, can run campaigns aimed at a voter well to the right of the median American. Republicans have lost the popular vote in six of the last seven presidential elections. If they’d also lost six of the last seven presidential elections, they likely would have overhauled their message and agenda. If Trump had lost in 2016, he — and the political style he represents — would have been discredited for blowing a winnable election. The Republican moderates who’d counseled more outreach to black and Hispanic voters would have been strengthened.
Instead, Republicans are trapped in a dangerous place: they represent a shrinking constituency that holds vast political power. That has injected an almost manic urgency into their strategy. Behind the party’s tactical extremism lurks an apocalyptic sense of political stakes. This was popularized in the infamous “Flight 93 Election” essay arguing that conservatives needed to embrace Trump, because if he failed, “death is certain.” You could hear its echoes in Attorney General William P. Barr’s recent speech, in which he argued that “the force, fervor, and comprehensiveness of the assault on religion” poses a threat unlike any America has faced in the past. “This is not decay,” he warned, “it is organized destruction.”
This is why one of the few real hopes for depolarizing American politics is democratization. If Republicans couldn’t fall back on the distortions of the Electoral College, the geography of the United States Senate and the gerrymandering of House seats — if they had, in other words, to win over a majority of Americans — they would become a more moderate and diverse party. This is not a hypothetical: the country’s most popular governors are Charlie Baker in Massachusetts and Larry Hogan in Maryland. Both are Republicans governing, with majority support, in blue states.
A democratization agenda isn’t hard to imagine. We could do away with the Electoral College and gerrymandering; pass proportional representation and campaign finance reform; make voter registration automatic and give Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico the political representation they deserve. But precisely because the Republican Party sees deepening democracy as a threat to its future, it will use the power it holds to block any moves in that direction.