Warrant:
Judges are not superior human beings who have the power to issue their decisions because they are wiser than everyone else. A judge's sole warrant for issuing constitutional rulings at all is
the text of the Constitution (and amendments to it) ratified by the people.
Meaning:
James Madison said, “The legitimate meaning of the Instrument (i.e. the Constitution) must be derived from the text itself; or if a key is to be sought elsewhere, it must be not in the opinions or intentions of the Body which planned & proposed the Constitution (i.e. the Philadelphia Convention), but in the sense attached to it by the people in their respective State Conventions where it received all the authority which it possesses.” In the case of a constitutional
amendment, the debates of the drafters and the state legislatures that ratified.
Madison further presented rules for interoreting the Constitution:
As preliminaries to a right interpretation, he laid down the following rules:
- An interpretation that destroys the very characteristic of the government cannot be just.
- Where a meaning is clear, the consequences, whatever they may be, are to be admitted—where doubtful, it is fairly triable by its consequences.
- In controverted cases, the meaning of the parties to the instrument, if to be collected by reasonable evidence, is a proper guide.
- Cotemporary and concurrent expositions are reasonable evidence of the meaning of the parties.
Precedents:
I think what we have in a situation like this is an accretion of precedents over the decades which runs the risk drift over time. If judicial decision Z is based on judicial precedent Y, which, in turn is based on precedent X, which is based on precedent W, all of which is based on constitutional provision A, it is possible, indeed likely, that judicial decision Z may bear a little resemblance to constitutional provision A. If every judge throughout the process looked to the constitution
only, then we are much more likely to have consistent judicial decisions over time.
Stare decisis works best when all parties are looking at the same North Star.
Ambiguity:
There may be enough of a record in the debates on the XIV Amendment to support whatever conclusion an individual brings to the question. Obviously, by the text of the amendment,
some people born in the US (“Indians not taxed”) were not intended to get birthright citizenship under the XIV Amendment. It seems children born to parents domiciled in the US (naturalized, green card holders, etc.) should automatically get US citizenship. The status of the children of illegal aliens was novel enough as to not fit neatly into either category. In 1866, it took weeks to sail to America. Today it is a trip of hours.
The Opinion, Majority/Minority:
I have now read the opinion. There is evidence from the drafters and advocates of the XIV that ”aliens” would not be included in citizenship. Senator Jacob Howard said of the birthright citizenship, “this will not, of course, include persons born in the United States, who are foreigners, aliens, who belonged to the families of ambassadors, or for administers accredited to the government of the United States, but will include every other class of persons.” (
Congressional Globe May 30, 1866, p. 2890) Senator Lyman Trumbull, the author of the Citizenship Clause of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 wrote to President Johnson, “all persons' born of parents
domiciled except untaxed Indians, to be citizens of the United States.” The minority opinion conflates the reasoning behind the Civil Rights Act of 1866 with that of the XIV Amendment. This is a weakness in the minority opinion’s argument. The CRA is not the same as the Amendment. But Sen. Howard said that “citizenship has been has been so fully discussed in this body as to not need any further elucidation, in my opinion." He was referring to the debates on the Civil Rights Act. This would seem to link the one with the other.
The evidence marshaled in the majority opinion relied heavily on Blackstone (British pre-Rev War), Kent (1830s), but not so much on the debates of the XIV amendment. The majority’s evidence would apply to children born to parents
domiciled in the US (i.e. manifested an intention to stay) as well as the majority’s assertion of territoriality (born in US territory = US citizen). The majority do not present evidence that would support the assertion that if a mother who deliver her baby in US territory, then leaves to return to her home country, raises the child in that home country, speaking her native language, studying in her home country, and he registers for the draft in the home country should nevertheless be awarded US citizenship. There is simply no evidence to support that, yet that is now US policy. I have seen evidence of children born in the US domiciled parents = US citizen, but I have not seen unambiguous evidence from the period when the drafting of the XIV Amendment to support the territoriality-only interpretation.
This is a troubling opinion and I am not sure the justices got it right. They have, however, ruled, so we are stuck with it.